Background: Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) poses a serious public health threat globally and within the United States. Preliminary evidence highlighted surges in IPV during the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic offers a unique context, with many states and countries enacting movement-restrictions (i.e., shelter-in-place orders) that exacerbated IPV. Although these movement restrictions and other infection control methods (i.e., isolation, quarantine orders) have proven successful in reducing the spread of COVID-19, their impacts on IPV have not been thoroughly investigated. Specifically, public health measures restricting movement reinforce and socially legitimize isolation and coercive control tactics enacted by perpetrators of abuse. The purpose of this study was to understand the impacts of COVID-19, including the impacts of movement restrictions (i.e., shelter in place orders, quarantine, isolation orders) on experiences of IPV from the perspective of survivors. Methods: In-depth interviews were conducted with ten survivors who presented at a large, public hospital or sought community IPV resources (i.e., domestic violence shelter, therapy services) in Atlanta, Georgia between March and December 2020. Thematic analysis was carried out to describe the impact of COVID-19 movement restrictions on IPV and help-seeking behaviors among survivors, in addition to identifying resources to improve IPV response during pandemics. Results: Through discussion of their experiences, survivors indicated how movement restrictions, social distancing measures, and the repercussions of the pandemic influenced their relationship challenges, including the occurrence of new or a higher frequency and/or severity of IPV episodes. Survivors cited relationship challenges that were amplified by either movement restrictions or consequences of COVID-19, including reinforced control tactics, and increased financial or life stressors resulting from the pandemic. COVID-19 movement restrictions catalyzed new relationships quickly and sparked new or intensified violence in existing relationships, revealing gaps in IPV support services. Conclusion: These findings suggest COVID-19 movement restrictions and social distancing measures amplify IPV and experiences of trauma due to new or exacerbated relationship challenges. Further, results highlight how partners cited COVID-19 movement restrictions to justify methods of coercive control. Public health professionals engaged in pandemic preparedness must give serious consideration to how social distancing measures may amplify trauma in those experiencing IPV.
Introduction Poor birth outcomes are more prevalent for Black communities, but strong evidence shows that doula care can improve those outcomes. More evidence is needed to understand racial differences, discrimination, and equity in doula care. Methods The current study’s objective was to describe the experiences of Black doulas as well as the challenges and facilitators of providing doula care to communities of color in Georgia. From Fall 2020-Fall 2021, 20 surveys and in-depth interviews were conducted with doulas as part of a community-based participatory study co-led by Healthy Mothers, Healthy Babies Coalition of Georgia and academic researchers. Results Doula participants were diverse in age (5% under 25, 40% 25–35, 35% 36–45, and 20% 46 +) and race/ethnicity (45% white, 50% Black, 5% Latinx). Most (70%) Black doulas reported that more than 75% of their clientele is Black, while most (78%) white doulas reported that less than 25% of their clientele is Black. Doulas noted the alarming Black maternal mortality rate and how mistreatment causes Black clients to lose trust in medical staff, leaving them in need of advocates. Black doulas were passionate about serving and advocating with Black clients. Participants also described how language and cultural barriers, particularly for Asian and Latinx people, reduce clients’ ability to self-advocate, increasing the need for doulas. Doulas also discussed the ways that race influences their connections with clients and their dissatisfaction with the lack of cultural humility or sensitivity training in standard doula training. Conclusion Our findings indicate that Black doulas provide essential and supportive services to Black birthing people, and those services are more urgently needed than ever following the overturn of Roe v. Wade. Doula training must be improved to address the cultural needs of diverse clients. Increasing access to doula care for Asian and Latinx communities could also address language and cultural barriers that can negatively impact their maternal and child health outcomes.
Abortion bans in the United States often include provisions for abortion in the circumstances of rape or incest experience. Such exceptions have been included in important legislation like the Hyde Amendment, 2003 Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act, 2010 Affordable Care Act, and state and federal legislation banning abortion in early gestation. Thus, examination of these laws is critical given the 2022 Supreme Court decision to devolve legal access to the state level. This study examines arguments made by proponents and opponents of rape and incest exceptions within early abortion ban legislation using publicly available video archives from legislative sessions in six Southern states. A narrative analysis was conducted on the legislative debate of rape and incest exceptions during the 2018–2019 legislative sessions. We found three core themes when examining legislative debate: belief in people’s claims underpinned opposition or support for exceptions; opinions about trauma were related to views on exceptions; and exception supporters called for empathy and non-partisanship in consideration of rape and incest. Additionally, support and opposition for the inclusion of rape and incest exceptions in draft law did not follow party lines. This study seeks to deepen understanding of the strategies used by legislators to promote and rebuff rape and incest exceptions in early abortion legislation while providing greater opportunity for tailored reproductive health, rights, and justice advocacy and policy, especially in the context of the US South where abortion access is now extremely restricted.
Amidst persistently high unintended pregnancy rates and lags in contraceptive use, novel methodological approaches may prove useful in investigating sexual and reproductive health outcomes in the Philippines. Systematic Anomalous Case Analysis (SACA)- A mixed-methods technique-was employed to examine predictors of women's lifetime contraceptive use. First, multivariable, longitudinal Poisson regression models predicted fertility and sexual debut using the 1998-2009 Cebu Longitudinal Health and Nutrition Surveys (CLHNS), then regression outliers and normative cases were used to identify 48 participants for in-depth interviews (2013-2014) for further examination. Qualitative findings from 24 women highlighted 'control over life circumstances' was critical, prompting the addition of two items to the original quantitative models predicting any contraceptive use (n=532). Each of the items, 'what happens to [them] is their own doing' and '[I] do not [have] enough control over direction life is taking [me]', significantly and independently predicted any contraceptive use (aOR: 2.37 (CI: 1.24-4.55) and aOR: 0.46 (CI: 0.28-0.77), respectively). The findings demonstrate the utility of SACA to improve the understanding and measurement of sexual and reproductive health outcomes and underscore the importance of integrating psychosocial constructs into existing models of fertility and reproductive behaviour in the Philippines to improve sexual and reproductive health outcomes.
This study sought to understand the effects of COVID-19, including movement-related restrictions such as shelter-in-place, quarantine, and isolation orders, on intimate partner violence (IPV) from the perspective of health care providers (HCPs) working at a public hospital in Atlanta, Georgia. From November 2020 to May 2021, we conducted 12 interviews. Three themes emerged: (1) HCPs perceived that COVID-19 movement-related restrictions likely exacerbated IPV; (2) HCPs encountered many practice-oriented and community barriers in IPV care provision during COVID-19; and (3) HCPs suggested process and partnership improvements for IPV response. These findings can inform future pandemic preparedness including improved communication, improved IPV screening and follow-up, and strengthened hospital-community partnerships.
Background: The work of full spectrum doulas (i.e., non-medically trained care workers offering support before, during, and after pregnancy including abortion)—is increasingly important as abortion access decreases across the U.S. Few studies have examined the work of community-based doulas in restrictive abortion settings or how they might further incorporate full spectrum care. As part of the community-engaged mixed methods Georgia Doula Study, this analysis examines the scope of work of community-based doulas regarding full spectrum and abortion services, doula opinions on full spectrum and abortion work, and potential barriers and facilitators for full spectrum doula care in metro-Atlanta, Georgia. Methods: From October 2020 to February 2022, the team recruited 20 community-based doulas with 8 who provide full spectrum services including abortion. Surveys covered demographics, doula scope of work, family planning attitudes, and abortion stigma. Survey data were analyzed using descriptive and bivariate statistics. In-depth interviews further explored those topics. They were de-identified and thematically analyzed using a semi-deductive approach. Results: The findings are organized around five themes: (1) doulas of all kinds center reproductive autonomy; (2) abortion doulas play important roles in reproductive autonomy; (3) doulas have mixed feelings about contraceptive counseling; (4) abortion doulas provide diverse services carrying numerous benefits in a stigmatized environment; and (5) abortion doulas experience challenges including stigma but they offer solutions. All but two doulas in this study were interested in learning how to incorporate contraception and abortion services in their current scope of work, and most participants supported the role of full spectrum doulas. Conclusion: This analysis highlights the experiences of abortion and full spectrum doulas, reactions of the larger doula community to those services, and facilitators and barriers to full spectrum doula care in a restrictive abortion setting. There are urgent needs and opportunities for full spectrum doulas to offer life-protecting services to pregnant people across the U.S. and globally. Coordination efforts for U.S. abortion care post-Roe v. Wade must include community-based doulas, who are largely open to aiding abortion clients through education, connection to care, and emotional support.
IMPORTANCE Following the US Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v JacksonWomen's Health Organization, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy, House Bill 481 (HB481), was allowed to go into effect in July 2022. OBJECTIVES To estimate anticipated multiyear effects of HB481, which prohibits abortions after detection of embryonic cardiac activity, on abortion incidence in Georgia, and to examine inequities by race, age, and socioeconomic status. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS This repeated cross-sectional analysis used abortion surveillance data from January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, to estimate future effects of HB481 on abortion care in Georgia, with a focus on the 2 most recent years of data (2016 and 2017). Abortion surveillance data were obtained from the 2007-2017 Georgia Department of Public Health's Induced Termination of Pregnancy files. Linear regressionwas used to estimate trends in abortions provided at less than 6 weeks' gestation and at 6 weeks' gestation or later in Georgia, and χ2 analyses were used to compare group differences by race, age, and educational attainment. Data were analyzed from July 26 to September 22, 2022. EXPOSURES HB481, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy. MAIN OUTCOME AND MEASURES Weeks' gestation at abortion (<6 vs_6 weeks). RESULTS From January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, there were 360 972 reported abortions in Georgia, with an annual mean (SD) of 32 816 (1812) abortions. Estimates from 2016 to 2017 suggest that 3854 abortions in Georgia (11.6%) would likely meet eligibility requirements for abortion care under HB481. Fewer abortions obtained by Black patients (1943 [9.6%] vs 1280 [16.2%] for White patients), patients younger than 20 years (261 [9.1%] vs 168 [15.0%] for those 40 years and older), and patients with fewer years of education (392 [9.2%] with less than a high school diploma and 1065 [9.6%] with a high school diploma vs 2395 [13.5%] for those with some college) would likely meet eligibility requirements under HB481. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE These findings suggest that Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy (HB481) would eliminate access to abortion for nearly 90% of patients in Georgia, and disproportionately harm patients who are Black, younger, and in lower socioeconomic status groups.
The exceptionalism of abortion in public health education, due to social stigma, politicization, and lack of training, contributes to misinformation, policies unjustified by rigorous science, lack of access to person-centered health care, and systemic pregnancy-related inequities. Now that abortion access has vanished for large portions of the United States, following the Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (JWHO), health educators must work to eliminate abortion-related silos, destigmatize abortion education, and bring comprehensive sexual and reproductive health information and evidence to the many audiences that will require it. We discuss consequences of abortion exceptionalism in health education for the public, health care providers, pregnant people, and health professionals in training—and opportunities to better and more accessibly provide sexual and reproductive health education to these audiences.
Fetal “heartbeat” bills have become the anti-abortion legislative measure of choice in the US war on sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). In 2019, Georgia House Bill 481 (HB 481) passed by a narrow margin banning abortions upon detection of embryonic cardiac activity, as early as six weeks gestation. The purpose of this study was to distinguish and characterise the arguments and tactics used by legislators and community members in support of Georgia’s early abortion ban. Our data included testimony and debate from House Health and Human Services and the Senate Science and Technology Committees; data were transcribed verbatim and coded in MAXQDA 18 using a constant comparison method. Major themes included: the use of the “heartbeat” as an indicator of life and therefore personhood; an attempt to create a new class of persons–fetuses in utero–entitled to legal protection; and arguments to expand state protections for fetuses as a matter of state sovereignty and rights. Arguments were furthered through appropriation by misrepresenting medical science and co-opting the legal successes of progressive movements. Our analysis provides an initial understanding of evolving early abortion ban strategy and its tactics for challenging established legal standards and precedent. As the battle over SRHR wages on, opponents of abortion bans should attempt to understand, deconstruct, and analyse anti-abortion messaging to effectively combat it. These data may inform their tactical strategies to advance sexual and reproductive health, rights, and justice both in the US context and beyond.
Objective
The purpose of this study is to explore Protestant religious leaders’ attitudes towards abortion and their strategies for pastoral care in Georgia, USA. Religious leaders may play an important role in providing sexual and reproductive health pastoral care given a long history of supporting healing and health promotion.
Methods
We conducted 20 in-depth interviews with Mainline and Black Protestant religious leaders on their attitudes toward abortion and how they provide pastoral care for abortion. The study was conducted in a county with relatively higher rates of abortion, lower access to sexual and reproductive health services, higher religiosity, and greater denominational diversity compared to other counties in the state. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed by thematic analysis.
Results
Religious leaders’ attitudes towards abortion fell on a spectrum from “pro-life” to “pro-choice”. However, most participants expressed attitudes in the middle of this spectrum and described more nuanced, complex, and sometimes contradictory views. Differences in abortion attitudes stemmed from varying beliefs on when life begins and circumstances in which abortion may be morally acceptable. Religious leaders described their pastoral care on abortion as “journeying with” congregants by advising them to make well-informed decisions irrespective of the religious leader’s own attitudes. However, many religious leaders described a lack of preparation and training to have these conversations. Leaders emphasized not condoning abortion, yet being willing to emotionally support women because spiritual leaders are compelled to love and provide pastoral care. Paradoxically, all leaders emphasized the importance of empathy and compassion for people who have unplanned pregnancies, yet only leaders whose attitudes were “pro-choice” or in the middle of the spectrum expressed an obligation to confront stigmatizing attitudes and behaviors towards people who experience abortion. Additionally, many leaders offer misinformation about abortion when offering pastoral care.
Conclusion
These findings contribute to limited empirical evidence on pastoral care for abortion. We found religious leaders hold diverse attitudes and beliefs about abortion, rooted in Christian scripture and doctrine that inform advice and recommendations to congregants. While religious leaders may have formal training on pastoral care in general or theological education on the ethical issues related to abortion, they struggle to integrate their knowledge and training across these two areas. Still, leaders could be potentially important resources for empathy, compassion, and affirmation of agency in abortion decision-making, particularly in the Southern United States.